John Bowlby

John Bowlby (1907-1990) was born in London. He attended a school for gifted children, received medical and psychoanalytic training, and, beginning in 1936, took part in work with difficult children. In 1936 Bowlby became interested in disorders in children brought up in orphanages. He found that children who grow up in orphanages and orphanages often suffer from a variety of emotional problems, including an inability to form close and lasting relationships with others. It seemed to Bowlby that such children are incapable of love because they miss the opportunity at an early stage of life to become firmly attached to the mother figure. Bowlby also observed similar symptoms in children who for some time grew up in normal families, but then were separated from their parents for a long time. It seemed that these children were so shocked that they forever abandoned close human ties. Observations like these convinced Bowlby that one cannot understand development without paying close attention to the mother-child relationship. How is this connection formed? Why is it so important that if it is violated, it leads to dire consequences? In his search for answers, Bowlby turned to ethology (Ainsworth & Bowlby, 1991; Tanner & Inhelder, 1971).

Attachment Theory: An Overview

Bowlby argued that we can only understand human behavior by considering its environment of adaptation, the basic environment in which it is formed (Bowlby, 1982, p. 58). For most of human history, humans probably moved in small groups in search of food and were often in danger of being attacked by large predators. At the moment of threat, humans, like other groups of primates, probably cooperated to drive off predators and protect the sick and children. To receive this protection, children needed to be near adults. If the child lost contact with them, he could die. Thus, the children must have developed attachment behaviors—gestures and signals that secure and maintain their closeness to their caregivers (p. 182).

One of the obvious signals is the crying of the baby. Crying is a distress signal; when an infant is in pain or frightened, it cries and the parent must rush to the rescue to find out what is wrong. Another binding action is the baby’s smile; when the baby smiles at the parent, the parent feels love for him and he is pleased to be around. Other tethering activities include babbling, clinging, sucking, and following.

Bowlby suggested that a child’s attachment develops in the following way. At first, the social reactions of babies are not distinguished by intelligibility. For example, they will smile at any person or cry because of the departure of any person. However, between the ages of 3 and 6 months, babies narrow their responses to a few familiar people, develop a clear preference for one person, and then become wary of strangers. Shortly thereafter, they become more mobile, begin to crawl, and play a more active role in keeping the primary object of affection nearby. They keep track of where that parent is, and any sign that the parent might suddenly leave triggers a following reaction on their part. The whole process—focusing on the primary attachment object, which then elicits a following response—corresponds to imprinting in other species. Like the young of many other species, the babies develop an imprint on a particular attachment object and aggressively follow that parent as it moves away.

In his writings, Bowlby deliberately used the ethological terms «instinct» and «imprinting» in a broad sense. He wanted to show that these concepts are applicable to human behavior in their general form, not as exclusively precise, detailed definitions (p. 136,220). Nevertheless, Bowlby felt that these ethological concepts provided the reliable explanations he was looking for. He said that when he first learned about them in the 1950s, he was ready to exclaim: «Eureka!» (Kagep, 1994, p. 90). In particular, he understood why babies and young children are so shocked when they are separated from their parents. As a product of evolution, the child has an instinctive need to stay close to the parent he has imprinted on. This need is present in every part of the child’s being; without it, the human community could not survive. At some level, the child himself may sometimes feel that the loss of contact with the parent means that he will perish.

Phases through which the normal development of caregiver attachment in toddlers passes.

Attachment phases:

• indiscriminate reaction to people,
• focusing on familiar people
• intense attachment and active intimacy seeking,
• partnership behavior.

Phase 1 (birth — 3 months) indiscriminate reaction to people.

In the first 2-3 months of life, babies show different kinds of reactions to people, but as a rule, they react to people in the same basic ways.

Immediately after birth, babies love to hear human voices and look at human faces (Fantz, 1961; Freedman, 1974″ p. 23). For example, one study shows that babies born as little as 10 minutes ago prefer faces to other visual stimuli: they stretch their head further when following an exact copy of a face than when following a distant resemblance of a face or a blank piece of paper (Jirari , in Freedman, 1974, p. 30). For ethologists like Bowlby, this preference suggests a genetic predisposition to a visual pattern that will soon evoke one of the most effective binding actions, the social smile.

During the first 3 weeks or so, babies sometimes smile with their eyes closed, usually just before falling asleep. These smiles are not yet social; they are not directed at people. At about 3 weeks of age, babies begin to smile at the sound of a human voice. These are social smiles, but they are still fleeting (Freedman, 1974, pp. 178-179).

The most impressive social smiles appear at 5-6 weeks of age. Toddlers smile happily and broadly at the sight of a human face, and their smile includes eye contact. You can guess when such visual smiles are about to appear. About a week before this, the baby begins to carefully peer into faces, as if studying them. Then the baby’s face lights up with a wide smile (Fig. 3.2). In the life of a parent, this moment is often inspiring; the parent now has «proof» of the baby’s love. At the sight of a baby looking straight into your eyes and smiling, a deep feeling of love begins to overwhelm you. (Even if you’re not a parent, you might feel the same way when a baby smiles at you. You can’t help but smile back and you feel like there’s a special bond between you and the baby.)

In fact, until around 3 months of age, babies will smile at any face, even a cardboard model of it. The main condition is that the face be visible in full or in front. The profile is much less efficient. Also, at this stage, a voice or caress is a relatively weak initiator of a smile. Therefore, it appears that a very specific visual stimulus elicits a baby’s social smile (Bowlby, 1982, pp. 282-285; Freedman, 1974, pp. 180-181,187).

According to Bowlby, smiling promotes attachment because it ensures the closeness of the caregiver. When the baby smiles, the caregiver enjoys being near the baby; the guardian «smiles back, talks to him, strokes and pats him, and perhaps picks him up» (Bowlby, 1982, p. 246). Smiling is a vehicle that promotes mutual love and care, behaviors that increase a child’s chances of being healthy and resilient.

Around the time when babies begin to smile at faces, they also begin to babble (coo and coo). They babble mainly at the sound of a human voice, and especially at the sight of a human face. As with smiling, babbling is not initially selective; babies babble, almost no matter what person is nearby. The baby’s babble pleases the guardian, prompting him to say something in response. «Battering, like smiling, is a social stimulus that has the function of keeping the mother figure close to the infant, providing social interaction between them» (p. 289).

Crying also brings parent and child closer together. Crying is like a distress signal; he notifies that the baby needs help. Babies cry when they are in pain, uncomfortable, hungry, or cold. They cry even when the person they were looking at moves away from their field of vision, and in the first weeks of life it does not really matter who this person is. Toddlers will also allow almost anyone to soothe them by rocking or satisfying their needs (pp. 289-296).

The baby also maintains closeness through clinging. The newborn is endowed with two holding reactions. One is the grasping reflex; when any object touches the baby’s open palm, the hand automatically squeezes it. The other is the Moro reflex, which occurs either when babies are startled by a loud sound or when they suddenly lose their footing (for example, when someone lifts their head and then suddenly releases it). They respond by extending their arms and then pulling them back and clasping their chest. This action is similar to that of a baby hugging something (see Fig. 1). In the distant past, Bowlby reasoned, these reflexes helped babies cling to the parent who carried them. If, for example, the mother saw a predator and started to run, the baby had to grab hold of some part of her body with his hand (see Fig. 2). And if the baby accidentally let go of his hand, he hugged his mother again (p. 278).

Toddlers are also endowed with search (rooting) and sucking reflexes. When someone touches their cheek, they automatically turn their head in the direction the stimulation came from and then «find» or grope until their mouth touches something, which they then begin to suck on. The seeking and sucking reflexes obviously facilitate breastfeeding, but Bowlby also viewed them as attachment patterns because they lead to infant-mother interaction (p. 275).

Phase 2 (3 to 6 months): Focusing on familiar people.

Starting from 3 months, the behavior of the baby changes. First of all, many reflexes disappear — including the Moro reflexes, grasping and searching. But what Bowlby found more important was that the baby’s social reactions were becoming much more selective. Between 3 and 6 months, do babies gradually limit the direction of their smiles to familiar people? when they see a stranger, they simply stare at him (1982, pp. 287,325). Babies also become more discriminating in their babbling; by the age of 4-5 months they coo, walk and babble only in the presence of people they know (p. 289). In addition, by this age (and perhaps long before) their crying is much more quickly soothed by a preferred figure (pp. 279, 300). Finally, by 5 months, babies begin to reach out and grab onto parts of our body, particularly our hair, but they only do this when they know us (p. 279).

Then, in this phase, babies narrow their reactions to familiar faces. They usually favor two or three people — and one in particular. For example, they are very willing to smile or babble when that person is around. This primary object of affection is usually the mother, but there are exceptions. It can be a father or some other relative. Toddlers seem to form the strongest attachment to the person who most readily responds to their signals and engages in the most pleasurable interactions with them (pp. 306-316).

Phase 3 (6 months to 3 years): Intense attachment and active intimacy seeking.

From about 6 months of age, the infant’s attachment to a particular person becomes more intense and exclusive. Most notably, babies cry loudly, showing separation anxiety, when the mother leaves the room. Previously, they could protest the departure of any person who looked at them; now, however, it is mainly the absence of this one person that upsets them. Observers also notice the intensity with which the baby greets the mother after she has been away for a while. When the mother returns, the baby will usually reach out to her to be picked up by her, and when she does, he hugs her and makes joyful sounds. The mother also shows her pleasure at the reunion (1982, pp. 295,300).

The newfound exclusivity of the baby’s attachment to the parent is also noticeable at the age of about 7-8 months, when the baby develops a fear of strangers (fear of strangers). This reaction ranges from mild alertness to loud crying at the sight of a stranger, with stronger reactions usually noted when the baby feels unwell or is in an unfamiliar environment (pp. 321-326).

But babies’ reactions are not limited to expressing strong emotions. By 8 months, babies are usually able to crawl and can therefore begin to actively follow a receding parent. Babies make the most coordinated efforts to maintain contact when the parent leaves abruptly rather than slowly, or when they find themselves in unfamiliar surroundings (pp. 256-259) (see figure 3.5).

As soon as the infant has the ability to actively follow the parent, his behavior begins to be consolidated into a goal-corrected system. That is, babies follow the whereabouts of the parent, and if he is about to leave, they persistently follow him, “correcting” or regulating their movements, until they are next to him again. When they approach the parent, they usually hold out their hands, indicating to be raised. When they are picked up, they calm down again (p. 252).

Of course, babies often move not only towards objects of affection, but also away from them. This is especially noticeable when they use the guardian as a secure base for their exploration of the world around them. If a mother and her 1-2-year-old child come to a park or playground, the child most often stays close to her for a while and then ventures out to explore. However, he periodically turns back, exchanges glances or smiles with her, and even returns to her from time to time before venturing into new explorations. The child initiates brief contacts «as if trying to make sure she is still there» (p. 209).

In Bowlby’s view, the attachment system functions at various levels of arousal. Sometimes the child has a strong need to be near the mother; in other cases, he feels almost no need for it. When a toddler uses the mother as a reliable starting point for their research, the level of activation is relatively low. Of course, the child periodically monitors the presence of the mother and may even sometimes return to her. But in general, the child can safely explore the world around him and play at a sufficient distance from her (Bowlby, 1988, p. 62).

However, this situation may change quickly. If the child looks back at the mother and she does not notice him (or, even more threateningly, as if she is about to leave), the baby will rush back to her. The child will also rush back if something frightens him, such as a loud sound. In this case, the child will need close physical contact and may require prolonged consolation before he dares to move away from his mother again (Bowlby, 1982, pp. 257-259,373).

Behavioral attachment also depends on other variables, such as the internal physical state of the child. If the child is sick or tired, the need to stay close to the mother outweighs the need to explore (p. 258).

By the end of the first year of life, an important variable is the emergence in the child of a general working model of the object of affection. That is, on the basis of everyday interactions, the child begins to form a general idea of ​​the availability and responsiveness of the caregiver. Thus, for example, a one-year-old girl who has some doubts about the availability of her mother usually experiences anxiety when she explores new situations at any distance from her. If, on the contrary, the girl has come to the conclusion that «my mother loves me and will always be there when I really need her,» she will explore the world around her with more courage and enthusiasm. Yet she will periodically check on her mother’s presence, for the attachment system is too important to be completely shut down at any time (Bowlby, 1973, pp. 203-206; 1982, pp. 354,373).

Phase 4 (3 years — end of childhood): partnership behavior.

Up to 2-3 years of age, children are only concerned about their own need to be in a certain proximity to the guardian; they do not yet take into account the plans or goals of the guardian. For a 2-year-old kid, knowing that a mother or father «goes to the neighbors for a minute to ask for milk» means nothing; the child will simply want to go along with them. The three-year-old, on the other hand, has some idea of ​​such plans and can mentally imagine the behavior of the parent when he is absent. Accordingly, the child is more willing to allow the parent to leave. The child begins to act more like a partner in the relationship.

Bowlby acknowledged (Bowlby, 1982, p. 387) that little is known about the fourth phase of attachment, and said little about attachments during the rest of his life. Nevertheless, he was aware that they continued to play a very important role. Adolescents get rid of parental dominance, but they form attachments to persons replacing parents; adults consider themselves independent, but seek closeness with loved ones in times of crisis; and older people find themselves increasingly dependent on the younger generation (p. 207). In general, Bowlby argued that the fear of loneliness is one of the most powerful fears in human life. We may think of this fear as stupid, neurotic, or immature, but there are good biological reasons behind it. Throughout human history, people have been able to weather crises and dangers most effectively with the help of their loved ones. Thus, the need for close ties is in our nature (Bowiby, 1973, pp. 84,143, 165).

Attachment as imprinting

Bowlby believed that attachment develops similarly to imprinting in animals. Imprinting is the process by which animals learn stimuli that trigger their social instincts. In particular, baby animals learn which moving object they need to follow. They start out willingly following a wide range of objects, but this circle narrows quickly, and at the end of the imprinting period, they usually follow only the mother. At this stage, the fear response limits the ability to form new attachments.

In humans, we can observe a similar process, although it develops much more slowly. During the first weeks of life, babies cannot actively follow objects, moving from place to place, but they direct social reactions to people. They smile, babble, cling, cry, etc., all of which help keep people close. At first, babies direct these reactions to any person. However, by 6 months of age, they narrow their affection to a few people, and one in particular. They want this person to be around. At this stage, they become fearful of strangers and, as they learn to crawl, follow their primary affection object whenever it moves away. Thus, they develop imprinting on a specific person; it is he who initiates the follow-up.

The effect of upbringing in orphanages

Boarding deprivation. As we mentioned in the introductory remarks, Bowlby turned to ethology as a way of explaining the traumatic and apparently irreversible effects of institutional deprivation. He was particularly struck by the inability of many children raised in orphanages to establish deep attachment relationships later in life. He called these individuals «loveless persons»; such individuals use people only for their own benefit and seem unable to enter into a loving, lasting relationship with another person (Bowiby, 1953). Perhaps these people in childhood were deprived of the opportunity to develop an imprint on any human figure — to establish a relationship of love with another person. Because they did not develop the capacity for close bonding during a normal early period, their relationships remain superficial in adulthood.

Conditions in many orphanages do seem unfavorable for the formation of close human bonds. In many orphanages, babies are cared for by multiple nannies who can meet their physical needs but who have little time to interact with them. Often there is no one around to respond to the cries of babies, smile back at them, talk to them when they babble, or pick them up when they want to. Therefore, it is difficult for the baby to establish a strong connection with a particular person.

If «failure to develop imprinting» explains the effects of residential deprivation, there must be some critical period after which these effects become irreversible. That is, babies who experience a lack of interaction with people up to a certain age may never develop adequate social behavior. However, researchers find it difficult to specify the exact timing of such a critical period. Bowlby’s discussion of imprinting (Bowiby, 1982, pp. 222-223; see also 1953, p. 58) suggests that the critical period ends with the appearance of a fear response, as happens in other species. Then the end of the critical period falls on 8-9 months of age — the age by which almost all babies show a certain fear of separation from the guardian, as well as a fear of strangers. In fact, a number of data indicate that infants deprived of human interaction before this time may experience persistent vocalization difficulties (Ainsworth, 1962). In general, however, it appears that therapeutic intervention can correct most social disadvantages before 18–24 months of age. According to one point of view, boarding deprivation puts babies in a «cold box», slowing down social growth and prolonging the critical or sensitive period (as it happens in some other species). After this point, babies lacking human interaction may never develop normally (Ainsworth, 1973).

Separation. Although Bowlby was interested in the «failure to imprint,» he was even more interested in cases where a child formed an attachment and then suffered separation. The turning point in thinking about such situations was caused by a science film made by Bowlby’s colleague James Robertson in 1952. The film depicted the 8-day hospitalization of Laura, a normal 2-year-old girl. As was customary at the time, Laura’s family visits were limited, and the little girl’s suffering left a deep impression on all who watched the film.

According to Bowlby and Robertson (Bowlby, 1982, chap. 2), separation effects tend to proceed according to the following scenario. At first the children protest; they cry and scream and reject all kinds of care offered in return. Then they go through a period of despair; they subside, withdraw into themselves, become passive, and seem to be in a state of deep sadness. Finally, the stage of alienation comes. During this period, the child is more lively and can take care of nurses and other people. Hospital staff may think that the child is getting better. However, not everything is so good. When the mother returns, the child does not want to recognize her: he turns away and, apparently, has lost all interest in her.

Fortunately, most children reconnect with their mother after a while. But there are exceptions. If the separation has been prolonged and if the child has lost other caregivers (such as nurses), he may lose trust in all people. The result in this case is also a «loveless person», a person who ceases to truly care for others.

Main article — Ethological theories: Darwin, Lorentz and Tinbergen, Bowlby and Ainsworth